The European Journal of Public Health Advance Access published online on February 21, 2008
The European Journal of Public Health, doi:10.1093/eurpub/ckn009
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The same factors influence job turnover and long spells of sick leave—a 3-year follow-up of Swedish nurses
Malin Josephson1, Per Lindberg2, Margaretha Voss2, Lars Alfredsson3,4 and Eva Vingård1
1 Occupational and Environmental Medicine, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden
2 Section of Personal Injury Prevention, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden
3 Institute of Environmental Medicine, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden
4 Stockholm Center of Public Health, Karolinska University Hospital, Stockholm, Sweden
Correspondence: Malin Josephson, Occupational and Environmental Medicine, Uppsala University, Akademiska sjukhuset, 751 85 Uppsala, Sweden, tel: +46 186113888, e-mail: Malin.Josephson{at}medsci.uu.se
Received July 2, 2007, accepted January 23, 2008
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Abstract |
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Background: In many countries, a general shortage of nurses is a public health problem, and retention of nurses in active work is a challenge. The aim of this study was to ascertain whether the same individual factors, working conditions and health problems had led to increased probability of both leaving jobs and prolonged sickness absence in a cohort of Swedish nurses over a period of 3 years. Methods: A baseline questionnaire was answered by 2293 nurses, representing a response rate of 86%. Exposed and unexposed nurses were compared with regard to two outcomes. During the 3-year follow-up, exposed and unexposed nurses were compared with regard to two outcomes: resigning and having at least one sick leave spell that lasted 28 days or longer. Results: We found that 18% of the nurses left their employment, and 16% had sick leave spells
28 days. Work in geriatric care, being socially excluded by superiors and/or workmates, negative effects of organizational changes and poor self-rated general health were factors that increased the likelihood of both leaving jobs and long-term sick leave. Conclusions: The present results underline the importance of improving working conditions and supporting sustainable health in order to prevent high turnover and prolonged sick leave among nurses. Resigning and moving to another institution can be interpreted as a way to actively cope with an unhealthy work environment.
Keywords: job turnover, nurses, resignations, sick leave, working conditions
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Introduction |
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In many countries, a general shortage of nurses is a public health problem, and retaining those health care professionals in active work and in the care organization constitutes a challenge for all stakeholders in society.1–5
Resigning is one way for nurses to avoid negative conditions in their work environment. An earlier study of nurses, who have actually left their positions in health care showed that lack of professional opportunities, restricted professional autonomy and unsatisfactory salary contributed to the decision to quit.6 Factors that were identified as predictors of leaving nursing and changing to other occupations included being young, being male, working as an assistant nurse, having musculoskeletal problems and having limited access to transfer devices for lifting patients.7 Furthermore, it has been established that poor job satisfaction contributes to a general intention to leave the workplace or the profession in question.8–11
Another way for nurses to avoid both the task load and the detrimental conditions in their workplaces is to be on prolonged sickness leave. Musculoskeletal disorders and mental problems are the most frequent diagnoses for long-term sickness absence in Sweden, as in many other countries.12 Physical demands at work are still common, and nursing often implies heavy lifting and awkward working positions, which are risk factors for low back pain.13 A longitudinal study of Norwegian nurses showed that frequent handling of heavy objects predicts disabling low back pain and sick leave, and lack of encouragement and support in the workplace represents a risk factor for sickness absence.14 Other studies of nurses have revealed that sick leave is associated with job strain,15 diminished support from workmates and less time to plan work,16 as well as a low level of perceived fairness in decision-making and negative social relations17 and bullying18 at the workplace. Nursing is often a stressful occupation that involves substantial demands and in many cases also insufficient resources, which are two risk factors for exhaustion and burnout.19
According to the investigations cited earlier, many closely related factors are associated with both leaving the job and long periods of sickness absence. However, those studies analysed different populations of nurses working under disparate conditions. Another investigation of employees in various professions has indicated that resignations and sick leave are not connected with the same factors.20 If that is indeed the case, there is also a need for different strategies to support the retention of nurses. Thus, our aim was to ascertain whether the same individual factors, working conditions and health problems, had led to increased probability of both leaving jobs and prolonged sickness absence in a cohort of Swedish nurses over a period of 3 years.
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Methods |
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This investigation was conducted within the framework of the Swedish longitudinal study entitled ‘Work and Sustainable Health in the Public Sector in Sweden’ (designated HAKuL)21 and in cooperation with a European research project called Nurses Early Exit (NEXT).1 The overall aim of the HAKuL study was to strengthen sustainable health among public employees and implement early rehabilitation for those with impaired work ability. The NEXT project examined the reasons for premature withdrawal from the nursing profession in 10 European countries.1
In Sweden, registered nurses have a college education (BSc), and assistant nurses have upper secondary school training. Both types of nurses, aged 20–61 years, were included in the present study, and they were recruited at different facilities: hospitals and psychiatric care units in three different county councils, all primary care centres in one county council and geriatric care units and home care units in five municipalities. The participating institutions represented different geographical areas, and they varied in size and hence also in organizational structure, ranging from small worksites with two or three district nurses to hospitals with several hundred employees. The nurses were permanently employed and were not on long-term sick leave (>90 days) at the time the information was collected.
A baseline questionnaire survey was carried out in a stepwise manner from November 1999 to January 2001. The questionnaire was sent to a total of 2664 actively working registered nurses and assistant nurses, and it was answered by 2293 of the recipients, representing a response rate of 86%.
Self-rated health
The questionnaire included the SF 36 instrument concerning general health and pain.22 The scores for the scale were calculated as proposed for SF 36 and ranged from 0 to 100 (indicating lowest to highest well-being). Poor self-reported health was classified as belonging approximately to the quartile with the lowest score, which in our sample was a score of 
60 on the general health scale and 41 for pain.
Job factors
Perceived physical exertion was used as a proxy for the general physical workload. The employees were asked the following question: ‘How physically demanding do you in general perceive your work to be?’ The response scale was numbered 6–20, and the values were accompanied by verbal clarifications ranging from ‘resting’ to ‘maximal exertion’.23 Those who reported physical exertion greater than ‘hard’ (score 14) were categorized as exposed.
Five items were used to estimate the mental workload and six items the decision latitude.24 The four response options for each item ranged from ‘No, almost never’ to ‘Yes, often’, and the score was divided approximately into quartiles. The highest quartile for demands (16 high demands) and the lowest quartile for decision latitude (15 low decision latitude) were regarded as exposed.
Two items in the questionnaire concerned the interaction between work and private life: one asked whether the demands of work interfered with home and family life, and the other enquired whether home/family life had a negative impact on work. Responses were marked on a 5-point scale, ranging from ‘very seldom’ (1) to ‘very often’ (5).25 Responding ‘very often’ to one of the items was considered to represent a negative interaction between working and private life—a work-family conflict.
Consequences of organizational changes were assessed by the question ‘How have you been influenced by the changes that have been made in your workplace over the past year?’ That query included four sub-items in the form of two positive statements (‘It has been developing and instructive’ and ‘It has entailed new opportunities for me’) and two negative statements (‘I cannot carry out my work tasks as well as I want to’ and ‘I am beginning to doubt whether I can manage’), to which the participants could respond that they agreed, partly agreed or did not agree.26 If they agreed with at least one of the negative statements and with neither of the positive statements, they were categorized as reporting a negative development in their working conditions.
Two questions concerned social exclusion at the workplace. Social exclusion was defined as a feeling that superiors and/or workmates to some degree shut their subordinates out by not greeting them, not answering their questions and not giving them information.
Satisfaction with the quality of care was measured by the single question ‘Are you generally satisfied with the care you can give patients at your workplace?’ Responses of ‘never’, ‘seldom’ or ‘sometimes’ were categorized as unsatisfactory quality of patient care, and ‘often’ was considered to represent satisfactory care quality. The nurses were also asked whether it was possible for them to get a new job without moving.
Recorded data
In 2000–03, data on sick leave spells 28 days and resignations were collected and recorded via continuous contact with the studied care facilities and their supervisors.
Statistics
The proportion of nurses who resigned or had long spells of sick leave are presented with 95% CI by sex, age, occupation and area of health care. Odds ratio (OR) values with 95% CI were calculated separately for termination of employment and prolonged sick leave by means of multivariate logistic regression analysis including all four determinants in the same model. The same analyses were also done including one work-related factor, all the work-related factors that were considered or one self-reported health factor at a time and in all cases adjusting for age and sex. Due to the intercorrelation between the variables, and also because of the possibility that some of the measured variables could be intervening factors in the causality between working conditions, health problems, sick leave and turnover, we did not perform the multivariate analyses using all explored variables in a single model.
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Results |
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Over the 3-year study period, 18% of the investigated nurses resigned, and 16% had sick leave spells that lasted at least 28 days. Only 2% had both long spells of sick leave and left their jobs.
Individual factors and area of health care
A higher rate of leavers was observed among nurses younger than 50 years of age compared with those who were older, and also among registered nurses compared with assistant nurses. Considering long spells of sick leave, the pattern was the opposite: the rate of long spells was higher for older nurses, and also among assistant nurses compared with registered nurses. In addition, female nurses had a higher proportion of long sick leave spells than male nurses. Compared with other health care areas, nurses in geriatric and primary care had a higher rate of resignations, and they also tended to have a higher rate of long periods of sick leave(table 1).
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The ORs obtained in the multivariate analyses demonstrate the probability of nurses leaving the job or having long spells of sick leave, respectively. Younger nurses (
50 years) and registered nurses showed an increased probability of resignations and a decreased likelihood of long sick spells. Moreover, the probability of long-term sickness absence was lower for the male nurses than for the females (OR 0.39, 95% CI 0.22–0.68). Also, the differences between health care areas appeared mainly in the multivariate analyses, indicating increased probability of both resigning and long sick spells for those working in geriatric care and primary care, although the estimate for sick leave in primary care was not statistically significant (table 2).
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Working conditions
Table 3 shows results obtained using logistic regression models including one work-related factor at the time and one model including all work-related factors. It seems that adverse working conditions influenced the probability of both resigning and long spells of sick leave, as indicated by the observation that social exclusion in the workplace and negative consequences of changes increased the likelihood of both.
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These two factors were reported by 15 and 20% of the nurses, respectively. Of the nurses exposed to social exclusion, 26% resigned and 20% had at least one long sick leave spell. Of those who reported a negative development in their working conditions due to reorganizations, 23% resigned and 24% had at least one long sick leave spell.
Dissatisfaction with patient care increased the odds of resigning, and the same tendency was apparent regarding the probability of long-term sickness absence in the analyses adjusted for sex and age. The associations were diluted when all work related variables were considered together. More than a third of the nurses (35%) reported that they were only sometimes, seldom, or never satisfied with the quality of care they provided.
High demands, dissatisfaction with the work schedule and work-family conflicts increased the odds of resigning, and the same tendency, with the exception of dissatisfaction with the schedule, was apparent regarding the probability of long-term sickness absence. In addition, strenuous physical exertion at work tended to raise the odds of resigning and increased the probability of long-term sickness absence (table 3).
Possibilities of getting a new job
Being able to get a new job without moving increased the odds of resigning (OR 2.17, 95% CI 1.67–2.82) and tended to decrease the probability of long-term sick leave (OR 0.86, 95% CI 0.62–1.18) (table 3). Twenty-eight percent of the registered nurses reported that it was possible for them to find new employment without moving, compared with 17% of the assistant nurses.
Self-reported health problems
Self-reported health complaints influenced the likelihood of both resigning and long periods of sick leave. Considering individuals with pain, there was a marked increase in the probability of long-term leave but only a tendency towards increased odds of quitting the job (table 4). There was also an indication that both those with poor health and those belonging to the quartile with very good health resigned to a greater extent than all others. The proportion of nurses who resigned was 19% among those with very good health, 21% of those with poor health and 17% of other categories.
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Discussion |
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We found that work in geriatric care, social exclusion in the workplace, negative consequences of organizational changes and poor self-rated general health were mutual factors that increased both the likelihood of resigning and the odds of being on long-term sick leave in the cohort of nurses included in our study. Considering the first of the mentioned factors, our results underline the challenge involved in retaining nurses in geriatric health care. In Sweden, there are problems in recruiting nurses to geriatrics, and the status of that professional arena is relatively low compared to other fields of care. At the same time, the elderly population is growing, and along with that the need for geriatric care.
Among the nurses we studied, a feeling that their superiors and/or workmates to some degree excluded them by not greeting them, not answering their questions and not giving them information increased the probability of leaving the job and of having long spells of sickness absence. The concept of exclusion is a part of a workplace bullying situation, which the Swedish National Board of Occupational Safety and Health (Ordinance 1993:17) describes as ‘employees being placed outside the workplace community’.27 In a previous report from the HAKuL study of female employees in various occupations in the public sector, workplace bullying was identified as a risk factor for long-term sick leave.21 Other investigations have shown that such harassment imposes stress reactions, reduces mental well-being and leads to the need for sick leave.18,28,29 Bullying is a common problem among nurses and seems to be linked to occupational culture.30,31 To be able to retain nurses in care facilities, signs of bullying must be dealt with and workplace mores that create such behaviour must be prevented.
Negative consequences of organizational changes at work were markedly associated with long-term sick leave and with resigning. These findings agree with previous studies showing that deterioration of the psychosocial working conditions, such as reductions in job control and social support, imply a risk of health problems and increased sickness absence.16,32,33
Poor general health and pain were chiefly associated with sick leave. Musculoskeletal complaints and general health problems are often related to reduced work ability and can make it more difficult to get a new job. Before nurses actually resign, it is almost certain that they consider their possibilities of getting new and better positions by leaving.34
Turnover imposes costs on the organization, puts pressure on remaining nurses and makes it difficult to maintain the knowledge base and the quality of the care given.35,36 On the other hand, a factor that often contributes to nurses leaving their jobs is the desire for professional development,10,37 and a certain level of circulation of nurses among organizations and institutions is actually a sign of progress and flexibility.38
To determine whether the nurses who resigned actually left their profession or if they moved to another institution, we collected additional data within the framework of the European NEXT study.1 Our analysis showed that a majority of those who quit, i.e. 86% of the registered nurses and 68% of the assistant nurses in our study remained in nursing,39 and those rates agree with previous reports concerning registered nurses. Official statistics in Sweden40 show that registered nurses are not fleeing their profession, and consequently the turnover that is observed is primarily a question of moving between institutions. A meta-analysis of antecedent predictors of turnover has demonstrated that educated women show the same pattern as men, namely, they change jobs but stay in the labour market.6 Turnover between institutions does not indicate that registered nurses are less active in the nursing profession, but it can be interpreted as an active coping behaviour leading away from an unhealthy psychosocial environment.
We found that assistant nurses, but not registered nurses, had a higher rate of long-term sickness absence than of leaving the job. Furthermore, compared with the registered nurses, the assistant nurses reported that their possibilities of finding new employment without moving were more limited. It is plausible that the higher turnover rate among registered nurses than among assistant nurses gives the former group the opportunity to avoid bullying and adverse psychosocial conditions in the workplace. Being able to leave such negative work surroundings may prevent prolonged periods of sick leave. Being employed in a non-preferred workplace or profession seems to be associated with little opportunity for development, weak support from superiors and health problems.41 In Sweden, assistant nurses constitute one of the occupational groups with the highest rates of extended sickness absence, and, together with home-based personal care workers, they represent the largest number of cases of long-term sick leave.42
Methodological considerations
The selection of organizations for participation in the HAKuL-project was not a random process. A long-standing commitment to the study was necessary, because it was necessary for the organizations to help with the following aspects: administration of questionnaires, involvement in the rehabilitation measures, reporting of employees on long-term sick leave and nurses who quit their jobs, receiving feedback from the surveys and hopefully also initiation of interventions. However, we do not think that this led to selection of workplaces that either functioned relatively well or had problems. When an organization decided to participate, all nursing workplaces within the organization were involved, for example, all elderly care units in the local authority or all psychiatric care facilities in the county council.
Insufficient contrast in the exposure conditions is often a weakness in epidemiological studies and may lead to underestimation of the association between exposure and outcome. All workplaces included in the present study were in the public sector and comprised only two closely related occupations: registered nurses and assistant nurses. The distribution of work conditions was limited and the disparities in demands, control and physical requirements may were largely due to individual differences in work capacity and rating behaviour. Moreover, a differential misclassification, may have occurred in the form of over-reporting of adverse work conditions among nurses who intented to quit their jobs or had health problems, which would had resulted in overestimation of the association between determinants and outcome. In addition, it is possible that the ‘health selection’ of nurses represented a source of underestimation of the influence of poor health on a decision to remain in or end employment. Nurses who were on long-term sick leave at the beginning of the study period were excluded from the baseline measurement, which gave a low number of disability pensioners over the period. Furthermore, our study included a few potential determinants of long-term sick leave or resigning, and it is obvious that other variables that were not covered in our investigation also have had an impact on those aspects in our cohort.
Nurses with repeated shorter spells of sick leave or spells that were only somewhat shorter than 28 days were included in the comparison group. This may have diluted the contrast between those with and without long periods of sickness absence. On the other hand, using a cut-off point of 28 days probably increased the validity of the collected data by ensuring that must of the cases were actually reported. It should also be mentioned that, for several years, it has been compulsory for employers in Sweden to take actions and consider a plan for return to work for any employee who is on sick leave for a period of 4 weeks or longer.
Another potential limitation of our study is that we did not have access to data on nurses who were receiving sickness benefit after resigning from their jobs.
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Conclusions |
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Working in geriatric care, being subjected to social exclusion at the workplace, negative consequences of organizational changes and self-reported health problems were found to be predictors of both leaving the job and long-term sickness absence. The results underline the importance of improving working conditions and supporting sustainable health among nurses in order to prevent excessively high turnover and prolonged sick leave in this occupational group. Resigning can be interpreted as a way to actively cope with an unhealthy work environment. Our findings emphasize that, at least in Sweden, sickness absence constitutes a significant disruption in the supply of nurses.
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Acknowledgement |
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The authors thank AFA Labour Market Insurance for funding the HAKuL Study.
Conflicts of interest: None declared.
Key points
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